|Part of a series on|
A coup d'état (// (listen); French for 'stroke of state'), also known as a coup or overthrow, is a seizure and removal of a government and its powers. Typically, it is an illegal seizure of power by a political faction, politician, cult, rebel group, military, or a dictator. Many scholars consider a coup successful when the usurpers seize and hold power for at least seven days.
The term comes from French coup d'État, literally meaning a 'stroke of state' or 'blow of state'. In French, the word État (French: [eta]) is capitalized when it denotes a sovereign political entity.
Although the concept of a coup d'état has featured in politics since antiquity, the phrase is of relatively recent coinage. It did not appear within an English text before the 19th century except when used in the translation of a French source, there being no simple phrase in English to convey the contextualized idea of a 'knockout blow to the existing administration within a state'.
One early use within text translated from French was in 1785 in a printed translation of a letter from a French merchant, commenting on an arbitrary decree or arrêt issued by the French king restricting the import of British wool. What may be its first published use within a text composed in English is an editor's note in the London Morning Chronicle, January 7, 1802, reporting the arrest by Napoleon in France, of Moreau, Berthier, Masséna, and Bernadotte: "There was a report in circulation yesterday of a sort of coup d'état having taken place in France, in consequence of some formidable conspiracy against the existing government."
In the British press, the phrase came to be used to describe the various murders by Napoleon's alleged secret police, the Gens d'Armes d'Elite, who executed the Duke of Enghien: "the actors in torture, the distributors of the poisoning draughts, and the secret executioners of those unfortunate individuals or families, whom Bonaparte's measures of safety require to remove. In what revolutionary tyrants call grand[s] coups d'état, as butchering, or poisoning, or drowning, en masse, they are exclusively employed."
A self-coup, also called autocoup (from the Spanish: autogolpe), is a form of coup d'état in which a nation's head, having come to power through legal means, tries to stay in power through illegal means. The leader may dissolve or render powerless the national legislature and unlawfully assume extraordinary powers not granted under normal circumstances. Other measures may include annulling the nation's constitution, suspending civil courts, and having the head of government assume dictatorial powers.Between 1946 and 2020, an estimated 148 self-coup attempts have taken place: 110 in autocracies and 38 in democracies.
A soft coup, sometimes referred to as a silent coup or a bloodless coup, is an illegal overthrow of a government, but unlike a classical coup d'état it is achieved without the use of force or violence.
A palace coup or palace revolution is a coup in which one faction within the ruling group displaces another faction within a ruling group. Along with popular protests, palace coups are a major threat to dictators. The Harem conspiracy of the 12th century BC was one of the earliest. Palace coups were common in Imperial China. They have also occurred among the Habsburg dynasty in Austria, the Al-Thani dynasty in Qatar, and in Haiti in the 19th to early 20th centuries. The majority of Russian tsars between 1725 and 1801 were either overthrown or usurped power in palace coups.
The term Putsch ([pʊtʃ], from Swiss-German 'knock'), denotes the political-military actions of an unsuccessful minority reactionary coup. The term was initially coined for the Züriputsch of 6 September 1839 in Switzerland. It was also used for attempted coups in Weimar Germany, such as the 1920 Kapp Putsch, Küstrin Putsch, and the 1923 Beer Hall Putsch by Adolf Hitler.
During the Night of the Long Knives in 1934, a supposed putsch was the underpinning of a disinformation tactic by Hitler and other Nazi party members. After initiating a purge, the idea of an imminent coup allowed them to falsely claim the killing was justified (as a means to suppress an uprising). Germans still use the term Röhm-Putsch to describe the event, the term given to it by the Nazi regime, despite the unproven implication that the murders were necessary to prevent a reactionary coup. Thus, German authors often use quotation marks or write about the sogenannter Röhm-Putsch ('so-called Röhm Putsch') for emphasis.
Pronunciamiento ("pronouncement") is a term of Spanish origin for a type of coup d'état. The pronunciamiento is the formal explanation for deposing the regnant government, justifying the installation of the new government that was affected by the golpe de estado. A "barracks revolt" or cuartelazo is also a term for military revolt, from the Spanish term cuartel ('quarter' or 'barracks'). Specific military garrisons are the sparking factor for a larger military revolt against the government.
One author makes a distinction between a coup and a pronunciamiento. In a coup, it is the military, paramilitary, or opposing political faction that deposes the current government and assumes power; whereas, in the pronunciamiento, the military deposes the existing government and installs an ostensibly civilian government.
Other types of actual or attempted unilateral seizures of power are sometimes called "coups with adjectives." The appropriate term can be subjective and carries normative, analytical, and political implications.
- Civil society coup
- Constitutional coup
- Democratic coup
- Electoral coup
- Judicial coup
- Market coup
- Military coup
- Parliamentary coup
- Presidential coup
- Royal coup, in which a monarch dismisses democratically elected leaders and seizes all power; for example the 6 January Dictatorship
- Slow-motion coup
- Slow-moving coup
- Slow-rolling coup
A revolution or rebellion can have the same outcome as a coup, in that a ruler or government can be replaced by unconstitutional means. However, while a coup is usually made by a small group and planned beforehand, a revolution or rebellion is usually started more spontaneously and by larger groups of uncoordinated people. The distinction is not always clear. Sometimes, a coup is also labelled as a revolution by the coup makers to try to give it a form of democratic legitimacy.
Prevalence and history
According to Clayton Thyne and Jonathan Powell's coup data set, there were 457 coup attempts from 1950 to 2010, of which 227 (49.7%) were successful and 230 (50.3%) were unsuccessful. They find that coups have "been most common in Africa and the Americas (36.5% and 31.9%, respectively). Asia and the Middle East have experienced 13.1% and 15.8% of total global coups, respectively. Europe has experienced by far the fewest coup attempts: 2.6%." Most coup attempts occurred in the mid-1960s, but there were also large numbers of coup attempts in the mid-1970s and the early 1990s. From 1950 to 2010, a majority of coups failed in the Middle East and Latin America. They had a somewhat higher chance of success in Africa and Asia. Numbers of successful coups have decreased over time.
- Failed coup
- No regime change, such as when a leader is illegally shuffled out of power without changing the identity of the group in power or the rules for governing
- Replacement of incumbent with another dictatorship
- Ousting of the dictatorship followed by democratization (also called "democratic coups")
The study found that about half of all coups in dictatorships—both during and after the Cold War—install new autocratic regimes. New dictatorships launched by coups engage in higher levels of repression in the year that follows the coup than existed in the year leading to the coup. One-third of coups in dictatorships during the Cold War and 10% of later ones reshuffled the regime leadership. Democracies were installed in the wake of 12% of Cold War coups in dictatorships and 40% of post-Cold War ones.
Coups occurring in the post-Cold War period have been more likely to result in democratic systems than pre-Cold War coups, though coups still mostly perpetuate authoritarianism. Coups that occur during civil wars shorten the war's duration.
A 2003 review of the academic literature found that the following factors were associated with coups:
- officers' personal grievances
- military organizational grievances
- military popularity
- military attitudinal cohesiveness
- economic decline
- domestic political crisis
- contagion from other regional coups
- external threat
- participation in war
- collusion with a foreign military power
- military's national security doctrine
- officers' political culture
- noninclusive institutions
- colonial legacy
- economic development
- undiversified exports
- officers' class composition
- military size
- strength of civil society
- regime legitimacy and past coups.
The literature review in a 2016 study includes mentions of ethnic factionalism, supportive foreign governments, leader inexperience, slow growth, commodity price shocks, and poverty.
Coups have been found to appear in environments that are heavily influenced by military powers. Multiple of the above factors are connected to military culture and power dynamics. These factors can be divided into multiple categories, with two of these categories being a threat to military interests and support for military interests. If interests go in either direction, the military will find itself either capitalizing off that power or attempting to gain it back.
Often times military spending is a indicator of the likelihood of a coup taking place Nordvik found that about 75% of coups that took place in many different countries rooted from military spending and oil windfalls.
The cumulative number of coups is a strong predictor of future coups. This phenomenon is called the coup trap. A 2014 study of 18 Latin American countries found that the establishment of open political competition helps bring countries out of the "coup trap" and reduces cycles of political instability.
Regime type and polarization
Hybrid regimes are more vulnerable to coups than are very authoritarian states or democratic states. A 2021 study found that democratic regimes were not substantially more likely to experience coups. A 2015 study finds that terrorism is strongly associated with re-shuffling coups. A 2016 study finds that there is an ethnic component to coups: "When leaders attempt to build ethnic armies, or dismantle those created by their predecessors, they provoke violent resistance from military officers." Another 2016 study shows that protests increase the risk of coups, presumably because they ease coordination obstacles among coup plotters and make international actors less likely to punish coup leaders. A third 2016 study finds that coups become more likely in the wake of elections in autocracies when the results reveal electoral weakness for the incumbent autocrat. A fourth 2016 study finds that inequality between social classes increases the likelihood of coups. A fifth 2016 study finds no evidence that coups are contagious; one coup in a region does not make other coups in the region likely to follow. One study found that coups are more likely to occur in states with small populations, as there are smaller coordination problems for coup-plotters.
A 2019 study found that when civilian elites are polarized and electoral competition is low, civilian-recruited coups become more likely.
In autocracies, the frequency of coups seems to be affected by the succession rules in place, with monarchies with a fixed succession rule being much less plagued by instability than less institutionalized autocracies.
A 2014 study of 18 Latin American countries in the 20th-century study found the legislative powers of the presidency does not influence coup frequency.
Territorial disputes, internal conflicts, and armed conflicts
A 2017 study found that autocratic leaders whose states were involved in international rivalries over disputed territory were more likely to be overthrown in a coup. The authors of the study provide the following logic for why this is: "Autocratic incumbents invested in spatial rivalries need to strengthen the military in order to compete with a foreign adversary. The imperative of developing a strong army puts dictators in a paradoxical situation: to compete with a rival state, they must empower the very agency—the military—that is most likely to threaten their own survival in office." However, two 2016 studies found that leaders who were involved in militarized confrontations and conflicts were less likely to face a coup.
A 2019 study found that states that had recently signed civil war peace agreements were much more likely to experience coups, in particular when those agreements contained provisions that jeopardized the interests of the military.
Popular opposition and regional rebellions
Research suggests that protests spur coups, as they help elites within the state apparatus to coordinate coups.
A 2019 study found that regional rebellions made coups by the military more likely.
Effect of the military
A 2018 study found that coup attempts were less likely in states where the militaries derived significant incomes from peacekeeping missions. The study argued that militaries were dissuaded from staging coups because they feared that the UN would no longer enlist the military in peacekeeping missions.
A separate 2018 study found that the presence of military academies were linked to coups. The authors argue that military academies make it easier for military officers to plan coups, as the schools build networks among military officers.
Economy, development, and resource factors
A 2018 study found that "oil price shocks are seen to promote coups in onshore-intensive oil countries, while preventing them in offshore-intensive oil countries." The study argues that states which have onshore oil wealth tend to build up their military to protect the oil, whereas states do not do that for offshore oil wealth.
A 2020 study found that elections had a two-sided impact on coup attempts, depending on the state of the economy. During periods of economic expansion, elections reduced the likelihood of coup attempts, whereas elections during economic crises increased the likelihood of coup attempts.
A 2021 study found that oil wealthy nations see a pronounced risk of coup attempts but these coups are unlikely to succeed.
A 2014 study of 18 Latin American countries in the 20th century study found that coup frequency does not vary with development levels, economic inequality, or the rate of economic growth.
In what is referred to as "coup-proofing," regimes create structures that make it hard for any small group to seize power. These coup-proofing strategies may include the strategic placing of family, ethnic, and religious groups in the military; creation of an armed force parallel to the regular military; and development of multiple internal security agencies with overlapping jurisdiction that constantly monitor one another. It may also involve frequent salary hikes and promotions for members of the military, and the deliberate use of diverse bureaucrats. Research shows that some coup-proofing strategies reduce the risk of coups occurring. However, coup-proofing reduces military effectiveness, and limits the rents that an incumbent can extract. One reason why authoritarian governments tend to have incompetent militaries is that authoritarian regimes fear that their military will stage a coup or allow a domestic uprising to proceed uninterrupted – as a consequence, authoritarian rulers have incentives to place incompetent loyalists in key positions in the military.
A 2016 study shows that the implementation of succession rules reduce the occurrence of coup attempts. Succession rules are believed to hamper coordination efforts among coup plotters by assuaging elites who have more to gain by patience than by plotting.
According to political scientists Curtis Bell and Jonathan Powell, coup attempts in neighbouring countries lead to greater coup-proofing and coup-related repression in a region. A 2017 study finds that countries' coup-proofing strategies are heavily influenced by other countries with similar histories. Coup-proofing is more likely in former French colonies.
A 2018 study in the Journal of Peace Research found that leaders who survive coup attempts and respond by purging known and potential rivals are likely to have longer tenures as leaders. A 2019 study in Conflict Management and Peace Science found that personalist dictatorships are more likely to take coup-proofing measures than other authoritarian regimes; the authors argue that this is because "personalists are characterized by weak institutions and narrow support bases, a lack of unifying ideologies and informal links to the ruler."
Research suggests that coups promoting democratization in staunchly authoritarian regimes have become less likely to end in democracy over time, and that the positive influence has strengthened since the end of the Cold War.
A 2014 study found that "coups promote democratization, particularly among states that are least likely to democratize otherwise". The authors argue that coup attempts can have this consequence because leaders of successful coups have incentives to democratize quickly in order to establish political legitimacy and economic growth, while leaders who stay in power after failed coup attempts see it as a sign that they must enact meaningful reforms to remain in power. A 2014 study found that 40% of post-Cold War coups were successful. The authors argue that this may be due to the incentives created by international pressure. A 2016 study found that democracies were installed in 12% of Cold War coups and 40% of the post-Cold War coups. A 2020 study found that coups tended to lead to increases in state repression, not reductions.
According to a 2020 study, "external reactions to coups play important roles in whether coup leaders move toward authoritarianism or democratic governance. When supported by external democratic actors, coup leaders have an incentive to push for elections to retain external support and consolidate domestic legitimacy. When condemned, coup leaders are apt to trend toward authoritarianism to assure their survival."
There should be a strong presumption against forcibly removing a democratic regime. But that presumption might be overcome if the government in question poses a grave threat to human rights, or is likely to destroy democracy itself by shutting down future political competition.
Repression and counter-coups
According to Naunihal Singh, author of Seizing Power: The Strategic Logic of Military Coups (2014), it is "fairly rare" for the prevailing existing government to violently purge the army after a coup has been foiled. If it starts the mass killing of elements of the army, including officers who were not involved in the coup, this may trigger a "counter-coup" by soldiers who are afraid they will be next. To prevent such a desperate counter-coup that may be more successful than the initial attempt, governments usually resort to firing prominent officers and replacing them with loyalists instead.
Some research suggests that increased repression and violence typically follow both successful and unsuccessful coup attempts. However, some tentative analysis by political scientist Jay Ulfelder finds no clear pattern of deterioration in human rights practices in wake of failed coups in post-Cold War era.
Notable counter-coups include the Ottoman countercoup of 1909, the 1960 Laotian counter-coup, the Indonesian mass killings of 1965–66, the 1966 Nigerian counter-coup, the 1967 Greek counter-coup, 1971 Sudanese counter-coup, and the Coup d'état of December Twelfth in South Korea.
According to a 2019 study, coup attempts lead to a reduction in physical integrity rights.
The international community tends to react adversely to coups by reducing aid and imposing sanctions. A 2015 study finds that "coups against democracies, coups after the Cold War, and coups in states heavily integrated into the international community are all more likely to elicit global reaction." Another 2015 study shows that coups are the strongest predictor for the imposition of democratic sanctions. A third 2015 study finds that Western states react strongest against coups of possible democratic and human rights abuses. A 2016 study shows that the international donor community in the post-Cold War period penalizes coups by reducing foreign aid. The US has been inconsistent in applying aid sanctions against coups both during the Cold War and post-Cold War periods, a likely consequence of its geopolitical interests.
Organizations such as the African Union (AU) and the Organization of American States (OAS) have adopted anti-coup frameworks. Through the threat of sanctions, the organizations actively try to curb coups. A 2016 study finds that the AU has played a meaningful role in reducing African coups.
A 2017 study found that negative international responses, especially from powerful actors, have a significant effect in shortening the duration of regimes created in coups.
According to a 2020 study, coups increase the cost of borrowing and increase the likelihood of sovereign default.
Current leaders who assumed power via coups
- Nabiyev was forced to resign by government militia on 7 September 1992, with Emomali Rahmon assumed interim power in November.
- De facto Prime Minister at that time, but under court order to resign.
- Hadi was forced to resign by Houthi rebels on 22 January 2015, but later renounced his resignation. The coup culminated into a civil war.
- Mugabe resigned on 21 November 2017.
- Prime Minister, Head of Government (under Tunisian Constitution, Shared Executive Power), Kais Saied Also Abolished the Parliament, which represents the Legislative Power in a representative Democracy)
- "Constitutional" Coup, By Activation of Article 80 (full Power Seizure in case of "Imminent Danger", which is not well-defined, as there is a conflict of interest if the president is the sole arbiter of defining "Danger", and there is no judicial reconciliation (Ex. Constitutional/Supreme Court), Kais Saied removed Head of Government and Parliament
- Civilian-based defense
- Civil-military relations
- Civilian control of the military
- Coup d'État: A Practical Handbook
- Coup de main
- Leadership spill
- List of protective service agencies
- Military dictatorship
- Political corruption
- Political warfare
- Seven Days in May
- Soft coup
- State collapse
- Succession crisis
- List of coups and coup attempts by country
- List of coups and coup attempts
- List of coups and coup attempts since 2010
- "coup d'état". Merriam-Webster. Merriam-Webster. Retrieved 4 April 2022.
- Robertson, David. The Routledge Dictiinary and of Politics, p. 125 (Taylor and Francis, 3d Edition, 2004): “Coup d’etat describes the sudden and violent overthrow of a government, almost invariably by the military or with the help of the military.”
- Brown, Garrett et al. A Concise Oxford Dictionary of Politics and International Relations (4 ed., Oxford University Press, 2018): “The sudden, forcible, and illegal removal of a government, usually by the military or some part thereof, often precipitated by more immediate grievances bearing directly on the military.”
- Powell, Jonathan M.; Thyne, Clayton L. (1 March 2011). "Global instances of coups from 1950 to 2010 A new dataset" (PDF). Journal of Peace Research (Preprint). 48 (2): 249–259. doi:10.1177/0022343310397436. ISSN 0022-3433. S2CID 9066792. Retrieved 20 June 2022.
Coups may be undertaken by any elite who is part of the state apparatus. These can include non-civilian members of the military and security services, or civilian members of government.
- Przeworski, Adam (January 2015). "Acquiring the Habit of Changing Governments Through Elections". Comparative Political Studies. 48 (1): 101–129. doi:10.1177/0010414014543614. ISSN 0010-4140. S2CID 154441890.
an entire sequence of elections may occur peacefully, with or without alternations, and then some exogenous event may lead to a coup, usurpation of power by the current incumbent, civil war, or some other constitutional irregularity.
- "Coup d'état". Oxford Dictionaries. Archived from the original on 6 November 2015. Retrieved 12 January 2019.
- "Coup d'état". Merriam Webster.
- "Turkey Coup". Merriam Webster. 15 July 2016. Retrieved 5 February 2021.
- "Banque de dépannage linguistique – état". Office québécois de la langue française. Archived from the original on 1 July 2012. Retrieved 12 December 2012.
- Julius Caesar's civil war, 5 January 49 BC.
- Norfolk Chronicle, 13 August 1785: "It is thought here by some, that it is a Coup d'Etat played off as a prelude to a disagreeable after-piece. But I can confidently assure you, that the above-mentioned arret was promulgated in consequence of innumerable complaints and murmurs which have found their way to the ears of the Sovereign. Our merchants contend, that they experience the greatest difficulties in trading with the English".
- "unk". Kentish Gazette. Canterbury. 16 October 1804. p. 2.
- An early reference to the term autogolpe may be found in Kaufman, Edy: Uruguay in Transition: From Civilian to Military Rule, Transaction, New Brunswick, 1979. It includes a definition of autogolpe and mentions that the word was "popularly" used in reference to events in Uruguay in 1972–1973. See Uruguay in Transition: From Civilian to Military Rule – Edy Kaufman at Google Books.
- Tufekci, Zeynep (7 December 2020). "'This Must Be Your First'". The Atlantic.
In political science, the term coup refers to the illegitimate overthrow of a sitting government—usually through violence or the threat of violence. The technical term for attempting to stay in power illegitimately—such as after losing an election—is self-coup or autocoup, sometimes autogolpe
- Nakamura, David (5 January 2021). "With brazen assault on election, Trump prompts critics to warn of a coup". Washington Post. Retrieved 5 January 2021.
- Marsteintredet, Leiv and Malamud, Andrés. “Coup with Adjectives: Conceptual Stretching or Innovation in Comparative Research”, Political Studies Vol. 68(4) 1014–1035 (2020).
- Peterson, M.J. (2019). "Recognition of governments". Routledge Handbook of State Recognition. pp. 205–219. doi:10.4324/9781351131759-16. ISBN 978-1351131759. S2CID 243704806.
- Raphael Boleslavsky, Mehdi Shadmehr & Konstantin Sonin, Media Freedom in the Shadow of a Coup, Journal of the European Economic Association, Vol. 19, Issue 3, June 2021, pp. 1782–1815.
- Anita M. Andrew & John A. Rapp, Autocracy and China's Rebel Founding Emperors: Comparing Chairman Mao and Ming Taizu (Rowman & Littlefield, 2000), p. 324; Charles O. Hucker, China's Imperial Past: An Introduction to Chinese History and Culture (Stanford University Press: 1975), p. 304.
- Patrick Milton, Michael Axworthy & Brendan Simms, Towards A Westphalia for the Middle East (Oxford University Press, 2019), p. 104.
- Mats Lundahl, Politics Or Markets? Essays on Haitian Underdevelopment (Routledge, 2002), p. 321.
- Lorenz Erren, Feofan Prokopovich’s Pravda voli monarshei as Fundamental Law of the Russian Empire, Kritika: Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History (Vol. 17, No. 2, Spring 2016), pp. 333–360.
- Etymology and definition of Putsch in German
- Pfeifer, Wolfgang (31 January 1993). Etymologisches Wörterbuch des Deutschen [Etymological Dictionary of German] (in German) (second ed.). Berlin: Akademie Verlag. ISBN 978-3050006260.
- "Definition of putsch: Did you know?". Merriam Webster. Retrieved 16 February 2021.
- "Röhm-Putsch" (in German). Deutsches Historisches Museum (DHM), German Historical Museum. Retrieved 26 March 2016.
- Little-Siebold, Todd. "Cuartelazo" in Encyclopedia of Latin American History and Culture, vol. 2, p. 305. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons 1996.
- Luttwak, Edward (1979). Coup d'État: A Practical Handbook. Harvard University Press. ISBN 978-0674175471.
- Barbara Geddes; Joseph George Wright; Joseph Wright; Erica Frantz (2018). How Dictatorships Work: Power, Personalization, and Collapse. Cambridge University Press. p. 285. ISBN 978-1107115828.
where a monarch who had not been directly running the country (in the sense that there was a prime minister and responsible government...) decides to assume all power. Yugoslavia in 1929 was an example of this.
- Encyclopedia Britannica: Coup d'etat 
- Kevin Newton, study.com: 'Change Caused by Revolutions, Coups & Wars' 
- David Lane: 'The Orange Revolution: ‘People’s Revolution’ or Revolutionary Coup?', The British Journal of Politics and International Relations (BJPIR): 2008 VOL 10, 525–549 
- Brooks, Risa A. (11 May 2019). "Integrating the Civil–Military Relations Subfield". Annual Review of Political Science. 22 (1): 379–398. doi:10.1146/annurev-polisci-060518-025407. ISSN 1094-2939.
- "Orderly transfers of power occur less often than you might think". The Economist. ISSN 0013-0613.
- Derpanopoulos, George; Frantz, Erica; Geddes, Barbara; Wright, Joseph (1 January 2016). "Are coups good for democracy?". Research & Politics. 3 (1): 2053168016630837. doi:10.1177/2053168016630837. ISSN 2053-1680.
- Varol, Ozan O. (20 May 2021). The Democratic Coup d'État. Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780190626020 – via Amazon.com.
- Marinov, Nikolay; Goemans, Hein (1 October 2014). "Coups and Democracy". British Journal of Political Science. 44 (4): 799–825. doi:10.1017/S0007123413000264. ISSN 1469-2112. S2CID 55915744.(subscription required)
- Miller, Michael K. (1 October 2016). "Reanalysis: Are coups good for democracy?". Research & Politics. 3 (4): 2053168016681908. doi:10.1177/2053168016681908. ISSN 2053-1680.
- Thyne, Clayton (25 March 2015). "The impact of coups d'état on civil war duration". Conflict Management and Peace Science. 34 (3): 0738894215570431. doi:10.1177/0738894215570431. ISSN 0738-8942. S2CID 19036952.
- Nordvik, Frode Martin (1 April 2019). "Does Oil Promote or Prevent Coups? The Answer is Yes". The Economic Journal. 129 (619): 1425–1456. doi:10.1111/ecoj.12604. S2CID 158738285.
- Belkin, Aaron; Schofer, Evan (1 October 2003). "Toward a Structural Understanding of Coup Risk". Journal of Conflict Resolution. 47 (5): 594–620. doi:10.1177/0022002703258197. ISSN 0022-0027. S2CID 40848052.
- Bell, Curtis (17 February 2016). "Coup d'État and Democracy". Comparative Political Studies. 49 (9): 0010414015621081. doi:10.1177/0010414015621081. ISSN 0010-4140. S2CID 155881388.
- Przeworski, Adam; Alvarez, Michael E.; Cheibub, Jose Antonio; Limongi, Fernando (2000). Democracy and Development: Political Institutions and Well-Being in the World, 1950–1990. Cambridge Studies in the Theory of Democracy. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9780521793797.
- Londregan, John B.; Poole, Keith T. (1 January 1990). "Poverty, the Coup Trap, and the Seizure of Executive Power". World Politics. 42 (2): 151–183. doi:10.2307/2010462. ISSN 1086-3338. JSTOR 2010462.(subscription required)
- Lehoucq, Fabrice; Pérez-Liñán, Aníbal (2014). "Breaking Out of the Coup Trap". Comparative Political Studies. 47 (8): 1105–1129. doi:10.1177/0010414013488561. S2CID 154707430.
- Hiroi, Taeko; Omori, Sawa (1 February 2013). "Causes and Triggers of Coups d'état: An Event History Analysis". Politics & Policy. 41 (1): 39–64. doi:10.1111/polp.12001. ISSN 1747-1346.
- Kim, Nam Kyu; Sudduth, Jun Koga (3 March 2021). "Political Institutions and Coups in Dictatorships". Comparative Political Studies. 54 (9): 1597–1628. doi:10.1177/0010414021997161. ISSN 0010-4140.
- Aksoy, Deniz; Carter, David B.; Wright, Joseph (1 July 2015). "Terrorism and the Fate of Dictators". World Politics. 67 (3): 423–468. doi:10.1017/S0043887115000118. ISSN 1086-3338. S2CID 154292179.(subscription required)
- Harkness, Kristen A. (1 June 2016). "The Ethnic Army and the State Explaining Coup Traps and the Difficulties of Democratization in Africa". Journal of Conflict Resolution. 60 (4): 587–616. doi:10.1177/0022002714545332. hdl:10023/9391. ISSN 0022-0027. S2CID 54538341.
- Johnson, Jaclyn; Thyne, Clayton L. (26 June 2016). "Squeaky Wheels and Troop Loyalty How Domestic Protests Influence Coups d'état, 1951–2005". Journal of Conflict Resolution. 62 (3): 597–625. doi:10.1177/0022002716654742. ISSN 0022-0027. S2CID 147707842.
- Wig, Tore; Rød, Espen Geelmuyden (1 August 2016). "Cues to Coup Plotters Elections as Coup Triggers in Dictatorships". Journal of Conflict Resolution. 60 (5): 787–812. doi:10.1177/0022002714553106. ISSN 0022-0027. S2CID 17684023.
- Houle, Christian (1 September 2016). "Why class inequality breeds coups but not civil wars". Journal of Peace Research. 53 (5): 680–695. doi:10.1177/0022343316652187. ISSN 0022-3433. S2CID 113899326.
- Miller, Michael K.; Joseph, Michael; Ohl, Dorothy (26 May 2016). "Are Coups Really Contagious? An Extreme Bounds Analysis of Political Diffusion". Journal of Conflict Resolution. 62 (2): 410–441. doi:10.1177/0022002716649232. ISSN 0022-0027. S2CID 148514914.
- Gassebner, Martin; Gutmann, Jerg; Voigt, Stefan (1 December 2016). "When to expect a coup d'état? An extreme bounds analysis of coup determinants". Public Choice. 169 (3–4): 293–313. doi:10.1007/s11127-016-0365-0. hdl:10419/156099. ISSN 0048-5829. S2CID 157580604.
- Kinney, Drew Holland (2019). "Politicians at Arms: Civilian recruitment of soldiers for Middle East Coups". Armed Forces & Society. 45 (4): 681–701. doi:10.1177/0095327X18777983. ISSN 1556-0848. S2CID 149675838.
- Kurrild-Klitgaard, Peter (2000). "The constitutional economics of autocratic succession". Public Choice. 103 (1/2): 63–84. doi:10.1023/A:1005078532251. ISSN 0048-5829. S2CID 154097838.
- Kurrild-Klitgaard, Peter (2004). "Autocratic succession". Encyclopedia of Public Choice. 103: 358–362. doi:10.1007/978-0-306-47828-4_39. ISBN 978-0-306-47828-4.
- Escribà-Folch, Abel; Böhmelt, Tobias; Pilster, Ulrich (9 April 2019). "Authoritarian regimes and civil–military relations: Explaining counterbalancing in autocracies". Conflict Management and Peace Science. 37 (5): 559–579. doi:10.1177/0738894219836285. hdl:10230/46774. ISSN 0738-8942. S2CID 159416397.
- Florea, Adrian (2018). "Spatial Rivalry and Coups Against Dictators" (PDF). Security Studies. 27: 1–26. doi:10.1080/09636412.2017.1360072. ISSN 0963-6412. S2CID 157425839.
- Piplani, Varun; Talmadge, Caitlin (1 December 2016). "When War Helps Civil–military Relations Prolonged Interstate Conflict and the Reduced Risk of Coups". Journal of Conflict Resolution. 60 (8): 1368–1394. doi:10.1177/0022002714567950. ISSN 0022-0027. S2CID 3627631.
- Arbatli, Cemal Eren; Arbatli, Ekim (2014). "External threats and political survival: Can dispute involvement deter coup attempts?". Conflict Management and Peace Science. 33 (2): 115–152. doi:10.1177/0738894214545956. S2CID 156930338.
- White, Peter (2020). "The Perils of Peace: Civil War Peace Agreements and Military Coups". The Journal of Politics. 82: 104–118. doi:10.1086/705683. ISSN 0022-3816. S2CID 201358683.
- Casper, Brett Allen; Tyson, Scott A. (1 April 2014). "Popular Protest and Elite Coordination in a Coup d'état". The Journal of Politics. 76 (2): 548–564. doi:10.1017/S0022381613001485. ISSN 0022-3816. S2CID 154715902.(subscription required)
- Eibl, Ferdinand; Hertog, Steffen; Slater, Dan (2019). "War Makes the Regime: Regional Rebellions and Political Militarization Worldwide". British Journal of Political Science. 51 (3): 1–22. doi:10.1017/S0007123419000528. ISSN 0007-1234.
- Lundgren, Magnus (2018). "Backdoor peacekeeping: Does participation in UN peacekeeping reduce coups at home?". Journal of Peace Research. 55 (4): 508–523. doi:10.1177/0022343317747668. S2CID 116168984.
- Böhmelt, Tobias; Escribà-Folch, Abel; Pilster, Ulrich (13 August 2018). "Pitfalls of Professionalism? Military Academies and Coup Risk" (PDF). Journal of Conflict Resolution. 63 (5): 002200271878974. doi:10.1177/0022002718789744. hdl:10230/46771. ISSN 0022-0027. S2CID 158320362.
- Nordvik, Frode Martin (2019). "Does Oil Promote or Prevent Coups? the Answer Is Yes". The Economic Journal. 129 (619): 1425–1456. doi:10.1111/ecoj.12604. ISSN 1468-0297. S2CID 158738285.
- Krishnarajan, Suthan; Rørbæk, Lasse Lykke (21 January 2020). "The Two-sided Effect of Elections on Coup Attempts". Journal of Conflict Resolution. 64 (7–8): 1279–1306. doi:10.1177/0022002719900001. ISSN 0022-0027. S2CID 212902955.
- Powell, Jonathan; Schiel, Rebecca; Ben Hammou, Salah (2021). "Oil Wealth, Risk Acceptance, and the Seizure of Power". Journal of Global Security Studies. 6 (4): 1–8. doi:10.1093/jogss/ogaa053. ISSN 2057-3189.
- T., Quinlivan, James (1 January 2000). "Coup-Proofing". www.rand.org. Retrieved 20 January 2016.
- Sabaté, Oriol; Espuelas, Sergio; Herranz-Loncán, Alfonso (2021). "Military Wages and Coup d'État in Spain (1850-1915): the Use of Public Spending as a Coup-Proofing Strategy". Revista de Historia Economica - Journal of Iberian and Latin American Economic History: 1–37. doi:10.1017/S0212610920000270. ISSN 0212-6109. S2CID 234382957.
- Woldense, Josef (2022). "What Happens When Coups Fail? The Problem of Identifying and Weakening the Enemy Within". Comparative Political Studies. 55 (7): 1236–1265. doi:10.1177/00104140211047402. ISSN 0010-4140. S2CID 248921794.
- Powell, Jonathan (1 December 2012). "Determinants of the Attempting and Outcome of Coups d'état". Journal of Conflict Resolution. 56 (6): 1017–1040. doi:10.1177/0022002712445732. ISSN 0022-0027. S2CID 54646102.
- Braithwaite, Jessica Maves; Sudduth, Jun Koga (1 January 2016). "Military purges and the recurrence of civil conflict". Research & Politics. 3 (1): 2053168016630730. doi:10.1177/2053168016630730. ISSN 2053-1680.
- Talmadge, Caitlin (2015). The Dictator's Army: Battlefield Effectiveness in Authoritarian Regimes. Cornell University Press. ISBN 978-1-5017-0175-7.
- Talmadge, Caitlin (2016). "Different Threats, Different Militaries:Explaining Organizational Practices in Authoritarian Armies". Security Studies. 25 (1): 111–141. doi:10.1080/09636412.2016.1134192. ISSN 0963-6412. S2CID 3655994.
- Narang, Vipin; Talmadge, Caitlin (31 January 2017). "Civil-military Pathologies and Defeat in War". Journal of Conflict Resolution. 62 (7): 1379–1405. doi:10.1177/0022002716684627. S2CID 151897298.
- Brown, Cameron S.; Fariss, Christopher J.; McMahon, R. Blake (1 January 2016). "Recouping after Coup-Proofing: Compromised Military Effectiveness and Strategic Substitution". International Interactions. 42 (1): 1–30. doi:10.1080/03050629.2015.1046598. ISSN 0305-0629. S2CID 214653333.(subscription required)
- Bausch, Andrew W. (2018). "Coup-proofing and Military Inefficiencies: An Experiment". International Interactions. 44 (ja): 1–32. doi:10.1080/03050629.2017.1289938. ISSN 0305-0629. S2CID 157891333.
- Biddle, Stephen; Zirkle, Robert (1 June 1996). "Technology, civil‐military relations, and warfare in the developing world". Journal of Strategic Studies. 19 (2): 171–212. doi:10.1080/01402399608437634. ISSN 0140-2390.
- Leon, Gabriel (1 April 2014). "Soldiers or politicians? Institutions, conflict, and the military's role in politics". Oxford Economic Papers. 66 (2): 533–556. CiteSeerX 10.1.1.1000.7058. doi:10.1093/oep/gpt024. ISSN 0030-7653.
- Paine, Jack (2022). "Reframing The Guardianship Dilemma: How the Military's Dual Disloyalty Options Imperil Dictators". American Political Science Review: 1–18. doi:10.1017/S0003055422000089. ISSN 0003-0554. S2CID 247278896.
- Frantz, Erica; Stein, Elizabeth A. (4 July 2016). "Countering Coups Leadership Succession Rules in Dictatorships". Comparative Political Studies. 50 (7): 935–962. doi:10.1177/0010414016655538. ISSN 0010-4140. S2CID 157014887.
- "Will Turkey's coup attempt prompt others nearby?". Washington Post. Retrieved 30 July 2016.
- Böhmelt, Tobias; Ruggeri, Andrea; Pilster, Ulrich (1 April 2017). "Counterbalancing, Spatial Dependence, and Peer Group Effects*" (PDF). Political Science Research and Methods. 5 (2): 221–239. doi:10.1017/psrm.2015.55. ISSN 2049-8470. S2CID 56130442.
- Mehrl, Marius; Choulis, Ioannis (28 March 2021). "The colonial roots of structural coup-proofing". International Interactions. 47 (4): 750–776. doi:10.1080/03050629.2021.1898958. ISSN 0305-0629. S2CID 233642733.
- Easton, Malcolm R.; Siverson, Randolph M. (2018). "Leader survival and purges after a failed coup d'état". Journal of Peace Research. 55 (5): 596–608. doi:10.1177/0022343318763713. S2CID 117585945.
- Escribà-Folch, Abel; Böhmelt, Tobias; Pilster, Ulrich (1 September 2020). "Authoritarian regimes and civil–military relations: Explaining counterbalancing in autocracies". Conflict Management and Peace Science. 37 (5): 559–579. doi:10.1177/0738894219836285. hdl:10230/46774. ISSN 0738-8942. S2CID 159416397.
- Thyne, Clayton L.; Powell, Jonathan M. (1 April 2014). "Coup d'état or Coup d'Autocracy? How Coups Impact Democratization, 1950–2008". Foreign Policy Analysis: n/a. doi:10.1111/fpa.12046. ISSN 1743-8594.
- Powell, Jonathan M. (3 July 2014). "An assessment of the 'democratic' coup theory". African Security Review. 23 (3): 213–224. doi:10.1080/10246029.2014.926949. ISSN 1024-6029. S2CID 58937153.(subscription required)
- Derpanopoulos, George; Frantz, Erica; Geddes, Barbara; Wright, Joseph (1 April 2017). "Are coups good for democracy? A response to Miller (2016)". Research & Politics. 4 (2): 2053168017707355. doi:10.1177/2053168017707355. ISSN 2053-1680.
- Lachapelle, Jean (21 November 2019). "No Easy Way Out: The Effect of Military Coups on State Repression". The Journal of Politics. 82 (4): 1354–1372. doi:10.1086/707309. ISSN 0022-3816. S2CID 222428308.
- Thyne, Clayton; Hitch, Kendall (2020). "Democratic versus Authoritarian Coups: The Influence of External Actors on States' Postcoup Political Trajectories". Journal of Conflict Resolution. 64 (10): 1857–1884. doi:10.1177/0022002720935956. ISSN 0022-0027. S2CID 222111312.
- "Is the overthrow of a democratically elected government ever justified?". The Washington Post.
- Zack Beauchamp (16 July 2016). "Why Turkey's coup failed, according to an expert". Vox. Retrieved 16 July 2016.
- "Are coups good for democracy?". Washington Post. Retrieved 17 July 2016.
- "Jay Ulfelder on Twitter". 16 July 2016. Retrieved 17 July 2016.
- Bleck, Jaimie; Michelitch, Kristin (9 May 2017). "Capturing the Airwaves, Capturing the Nation? A Field Experiment on State-Run Media Effects in the Wake of a Coup". The Journal of Politics. 79 (3): 873–889. doi:10.1086/690616. ISSN 0022-3816. S2CID 157667393.
- Curtice, Travis B; Arnon, Daniel (14 May 2019). "Deterring threats and settling scores: How coups influence respect for physical integrity rights". Conflict Management and Peace Science. 37 (6): 655–673. doi:10.1177/0738894219843240. ISSN 0738-8942. S2CID 182783295.
- Shannon, Megan; Thyne, Clayton; Hayden, Sarah; Dugan, Amanda (1 October 2015). "The International Community's Reaction to Coups". Foreign Policy Analysis. 11 (4): 363–376. doi:10.1111/fpa.12043. ISSN 1743-8594.
- Soest, Christian von; Wahman, Michael (1 January 2015). "Not all dictators are equal: Coups, fraudulent elections, and the selective targeting of democratic sanctions". Journal of Peace Research. 52 (1): 17–31. doi:10.1177/0022343314551081. ISSN 0022-3433. S2CID 26945588.
- Masaki, Takaaki (1 March 2016). "Coups d'État and Foreign Aid". World Development. 79: 51–68. doi:10.1016/j.worlddev.2015.11.004.
- Powell, Jonathan; Lasley, Trace; Schiel, Rebecca (7 January 2016). "Combating Coups d'état in Africa, 1950–2014". Studies in Comparative International Development. 51 (4): 482–502. doi:10.1007/s12116-015-9210-6. ISSN 0039-3606. S2CID 155591291.
- Thyne, Clayton; Powell, Jonathan; Parrott, Sarah; VanMeter, Emily (15 January 2017). "Even Generals Need Friends". Journal of Conflict Resolution. 62 (7): 1406–1432. doi:10.1177/0022002716685611. S2CID 151393698.
- Balima, Hippolyte Weneyam (2020). "Coups d'état and the cost of debt". Journal of Comparative Economics. 48 (3): 509–528. doi:10.1016/j.jce.2020.04.001. ISSN 0147-5967. S2CID 219428475.
- "Twenty Years Later: The Tajik Civil War And Its Aftermath". Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty. 26 June 2017. Archived from the original on 8 August 2017.
- Luttwak, Edward (1979) Coup d'État: A Practical Handbook. Harvard University Press. ISBN 978-0-674-17547-1.
- De Bruin, Erica (2020) How to Prevent Coups d'État. Cornell University Press.
- Schiel, R., Powell, J., & Faulkner, C. (2020). "Mutiny in Africa, 1950–2018". Conflict Management and Peace Science.
- Singh, Naunihal. (2014) Seizing Power: The Strategic Logic of Military Coups. Johns Hopkins University Press.
- Malaparte, Curzio (1931). Technique du Coup d'État (in French). Paris.
- Finer, S.E. (1962). The Man on Horseback: The Role of the Military in Politics. London: Pall Mall Press. p. 98.
- Goodspeed, D. J. (1962). Six Coups d'État. New-York: Viking Press Inc.
- Connor, Ken; Hebditch, David (2008). How to Stage a Military Coup: From Planning to Execution. Pen and Sword Books Ltd. ISBN 978-1-84832-503-6.
- McGowan, Patrick J. (2016). "Coups and Conflict in West Africa, 1955-2004". Armed Forces & Society. 32: 5–23. doi:10.1177/0095327X05277885. S2CID 144318327.
- McGowan, Patrick J. (2016). "Coups and Conflict in West Africa, 1955-2004". Armed Forces & Society. 32 (2): 234–253. doi:10.1177/0095327X05277886. S2CID 144602647.
- Beeson, Mark (2008). "Civil–Military Relations in Indonesia and the Philippines". Armed Forces & Society. 34 (3): 474–490. doi:10.1177/0095327X07303607. S2CID 144520194.
- n'Diaye, Boubacar (2016). "How Not to Institutionalize Civilian Control: Kenya's Coup Prevention Strategies, 1964-1997". Armed Forces & Society. 28 (4): 619–640. doi:10.1177/0095327X0202800406. S2CID 145783304.
- The dictionary definition of coup d'état at Wiktionary
- Media related to Coups d'état at Wikimedia Commons
- John J. Chin, David B. Carter & Joseph G. Wright. Dataset on all military and non-military coup attempts in the world since 1946.
- Powell, Jonathan & Clayton Thyne. Global Instances of Coups from 1950–Present via Archive.org.